Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 237

This suggestion took the doctor somewhat by surprise. He shook his head and said, "This is a decision that Berlin needs to make. I have no right to offer my opinion on this matter."

Lin Xinyi gently said to him, "Of course, the doctor cannot directly nominate himself to Berlin, but the most important thing for the autonomous dominion after independence is to ensure coordination within the alliance. Although we all support maintaining close ties with Germany, Japan and China also have a large number of pro-British and centrists who will not want to be involved in a conflict with Britain and France."

Therefore, the establishment of the autonomous dominion was not the end of the matter, but rather the beginning of a truly difficult period. The dominion government needed the support of mainstream Japanese and Chinese society to ensure that we could fulfill the mutual support terms of the alliance. If mainstream Japanese and Chinese society believed that the autonomous dominion was not truly independent of Germany, then they would refuse to defend the dominion's independence and freedom according to the terms of the alliance.

Therefore, we advocate promoting the establishment of an Asian alliance, but alliance members must also do their utmost to maintain the alliance. We cannot expect people like us to maintain the alliance while you do nothing.

Therefore, we will join Wuhan in requesting Berlin that the candidate for Chancellor of the Dominion possess extensive experience in exchanges with Japan and China. And you, Doctor, are naturally the first choice.

Lin Xinyi's suggestion initially angered Dr. Paul Rohrbach, who felt that the Japanese man had insulted his integrity as a German diplomat. However, he quickly detached himself from this patriotic sentiment. From his personal perspective, the position of consul general was actually the pinnacle for diplomats from commoner backgrounds, and the positions above that belonged to the nobility.

Frankly speaking, he would not have been able to obtain this position if his Orientalism had not aligned with Germany's needs in its Eastern diplomacy. Such positions were almost always reserved for nobles or were honorary titles awarded to commoner diplomats who made outstanding contributions to German diplomacy, and were only available to them before retirement.

Once the doctor calmed down, he realized that the suggestion from the Japanese was a fantastic opportunity for him personally—a chance to break through the glass ceiling for a commoner diplomat. If he were to become the prime minister of this autonomous dominion, it would mean that he had achieved a status almost equivalent to that of a minister, which would be an extremely high personal honor for him when he retired and returned to Germany.

From a diplomat's perspective, Germany's national interests can no longer be improved by obtaining more from Japan and China. Ending the negotiations as soon as possible, and incidentally expanding one's own career prospects, is the best choice that benefits both the country and oneself.

So the doctor finally managed to calmly respond to the Japanese and Chinese representatives, saying, "Personally, I am firm in my commitment to maintaining the friendship between Germany, Japan, and China. I believe that only when the three of us establish a solid relationship can we maintain peace and prosperity in Asia. Therefore, if such an opportunity arises, I will not refuse it."

The doctor's statement satisfied Lin Xinyi and the representatives from Wuhan, making the subsequent conversation between the three parties much easier. After all, this cooperation was beneficial to all three parties. As long as the Germans did not try to drag Japan and China into the European war, the cooperation would hardly encounter any obstacles.

After the meeting with the German Consul General in Wuhan, Lin Xinyi exchanged views on the negotiations with the representatives from Wuhan before going to Yoshida Shigeru's room for a private conversation with the representative of Foreign Minister Makino, who had come from Japan.

Although Yoshida Shigeru appeared calm when he saw Hayashi Nobuyoshi, his anger hadn't subsided. After all, he had been outmaneuvered by Hayashi, who had used the pretext of revealing naval plots to place him under house arrest, leaving him helpless. He knew very well that unless he left Wuhan first, he couldn't expect to have a fair discussion with Hayashi. With his current position, he couldn't possibly earn the respect of this future naval leader; only Foreign Minister Makino could command his respect.

Therefore, upon seeing Hayashi Nobuyoshi's arrival, Yoshida Shigeru, though speaking calmly, vehemently stated that he could not accept being placed under house arrest. He emphasized that he now represented Foreign Minister Makino, not an ordinary diplomat, and would not divulge naval secrets to anyone. However, he needed to report to Foreign Minister Makino on Hayashi Nobuyoshi's refusal to coordinate with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

Faced with the threat in Yoshida's words, Lin Xinyi did not react. He simply looked at Yoshida and asked a question: "Yoshida, what is your dream?"

Yoshida Shigeru frowned and stared at the other man silently. He had no mood to get close to him right now, but Lin Xinyi's next words successfully angered him: "You're not satisfied with just becoming the son-in-law of Foreign Minister Makino, are you?"

Yoshida finally couldn't help but retort, "Lieutenant Colonel Hayashi, watch your words. Although you are indeed outstanding, you can't ignore others like this."

Lin Xinyi smiled and walked to the window in the living room, looking at the scenery outside. He said, "If you think I'm humiliating you, then what do you think is outside?"

Yoshida Shigeru glanced out the window instinctively before retorting sarcastically, "If it's not Wuhan, then where is it?"

Lin Hsin-yi shook his head and said, "I think it's Asia."

While Yoshida Shigeru was still pondering Hayashi Nobuyoshi's answer, Hayashi Nobuyoshi continued, "The reason we need to bypass the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to contact the Germans is because this matter is crucial for establishing an Asian alliance. So, Yoshida, what exactly do you think this so-called Asian alliance is?"

Yoshida Shigeru's expression finally became serious. He understood that Hayashi Shinichi was about to tell him some truths, which were of course very important intelligence. The reason why the Ministry of Foreign Affairs couldn't grasp the pulse of the Navy was that it didn't understand what the Navy really wanted. And the Navy's strategy was almost entirely made by Hayashi Shinichi. If they understood Hayashi Shinichi's thoughts, they would have grasped the Navy's thoughts.

End of this chapter

Chapter 752

As an elite student who studied abroad, Shigeru Yoshida actually advocated leaving Asia and joining Europe. However, he was well aware that there was a large group of supporters of the theory of the rise of Asia in China. He did try to understand these opponents of the theory of leaving Asia and joining Europe.

However, after learning about the Anglo-Chinese thinkers, Shigeru Yoshida believes that the Anglo-Chinese thinkers cannot revive Asia because there are too many factions within the Anglo-Chinese thinkers, resulting in the lack of a mainstream ideology in Anglo-Chinese thought.

The reason why the theory of Asian republicanism was able to barely form a group was mainly due to two factors. One was that the rapid Westernization reforms promoted by the Meiji Restoration turned a group of Confucian scholars who could not keep up with the times into the main body of the anti-Westernization faction. The other was that the Duke of Konoe used the theory of Asian republicanism to organize the East Asia Tongwen Guan, attempting to use Asian republicanism as his political pillar.

The disillusionment of the Meiji Restoration era, coupled with political ambition, led to the rise of Asian chauvinism, which briefly dominated Japanese society before the war against Russia. However, Asian chauvinism lacked a unified central theory that could unite its various factions. The ideologies of these factions could hardly be considered theories, but rather trends of thought. Consequently, Asian chauvinists switched allegiances at an astonishing rate. For instance, after the death of the Duke of Konoe, many members of the Toa Dobun (East Asia Cultural Center) turned to the continentalism of the army, which effectively deviated from the scope of Asian chauvinism.

One of the main factions of Anglo-Chinese Buddhism was the religious community's attempt to establish an Asian Buddhist alliance centered on Japanese Buddhism, using Buddhism as a bond, in order to counter the rapid spread of Christianity in Asia. This was also a means for Japanese Buddhism to try to restore its status as the state religion during the Edo period.

One view is that Confucianists attempted to oppose Westernization with nationalism, so they advocated that Japan should inherit Chinese civilization and then lead its revival. This was a further development of the "China-barbarian transformation" theory during the Edo period.

Another theory is the Asian alliance theory advocated by liberal democratic rights advocates. They do not oppose Europeanization, but believe that the essence of European civilization is the survival of the fittest. Therefore, simply learning from European civilization cannot prevent Japan's demise, because Japan is the other to Europe, an object to be eliminated by European civilization. Thus, the purpose of learning from European civilization is to ensure Japan's survival, which inevitably leads to confrontation with Europe. Japan alone cannot fight against the whole of Europe, and Asia must form an alliance to resist the invasion of European civilization.

Of course, the foundation of the Asian alliance recognized by liberal democratic thinkers lies in the fact that Asian nations must either learn from Japan's Meiji Restoration or follow China's revolution; only among nations that have established modern consciousness can an Asian alliance be formed. The basis of this alliance is essentially similar to the European treaty system, where mutual assistance among allied nations can only be achieved under common rules.

Shigeru Yoshida had always considered Nobuyoshi Hayashi to be a Pro-Asianist, and a radical follower of the Asian Revolutionary Alliance. Faced with Hayashi's question, he pondered for a moment before replying, "An Asian alliance is naturally an alliance for the weak who oppose European civilization. I've been to Europe and America, and I think even Japan would find it difficult to compete with a second-rate European country like Italy. It's just that Italy is too far from Asia, so it can't confront Japan in the Asian seas."

Italy's power in Europe is far inferior to that of Britain, France, Germany, and Russia, but such a second-rate power is already a behemoth in Asia. Therefore, if Asian countries want to gain independent diplomatic power, they need to unite; this is what I believe is the significance of an Asian alliance.

Lin Xinyi nodded at him, but then shook his head and said, "What you said is very good, but it's not what I envision an Asian alliance to be. I believe an alliance should be built upon nations; it's not merely the result of agreements between countries, but a supranational institution where each country relinquishes a portion of its power."

By bringing together Asia's most outstanding talents and guiding them in implementing political and economic reforms, ultimately leading Asia towards a shared set of values ​​and a unified social system, and finally abandoning the state as a form of organization, a people's democracy in Asia can be established. With Asia comprising two-thirds of the world's population, if these two-thirds of humanity reach a consensus, the world will undergo a radical transformation, and the ideal of a harmonious world will not be difficult to achieve.

This is the Asian alliance I want to build, Yoshida. Are you willing to fight alongside me for this alliance?

Yoshida Shigeru was momentarily stunned. He had assumed that Lin Xinyi's visit was either to explain his actions or to force him to accept his instructions. But he never imagined that Lin Xinyi would invite him to join in building such a political ideology in this way.

After a while, Yoshida Shigeru couldn't help but ask Hayashi Shin-yi, "Lieutenant Colonel Hayashi, do you know what you're saying? Are you trying to betray Japan?"

Lin Xinyi, however, answered him with remarkable composure, “No, Japan has a long history as a cultural concept, but as a national organization, it has only existed for a few decades. Before the Meiji Restoration government was established, Japan could not be considered a country. Therefore, choosing the right way to ensure the survival of Japanese culture is a matter of ideology, not politics. I believe that an Asian alliance that transcends national boundaries is better able to protect Japanese culture, nothing more.”

Yoshida Shigeru thought Hayashi Shin-yi had gone completely mad, but after thinking for a while, he realized that he really couldn't convince him. This was because the concept of a nation was indeed introduced to Japan from Europe, and he wanted to use European national concepts to refute Hayashi Shin-yi, but he might not be able to convince him. Hayashi Shin-yi's propositions could indeed gain the approval of some Japanese people. After all, Japan today only became a nation because of its reverence for the Emperor; otherwise, it would just be a collection of countless small countries.

Yoshida Shigeru could only retort, "Would the Navy share your viewpoint? To abandon Japan and serve the Asian alliance?"

Lin Xinyi calmly replied, "The navy is not abandoning Japan, but only on the platform of the Asian Alliance can the navy truly protect Japan. With Japan's national strength, it is impossible to compete with the real industrial powers of Europe. Therefore, if the navy is based in Japan, it will only drain the blood of the Japanese people and may not be able to resist the pressure of the European powers' maritime forces."

According to the latest reports, the U.S. Navy's Great White Fleet passed Cape Horn and sailed into the Pacific Ocean last week. This round-the-world voyage exercise mobilized all 16 of the U.S. Navy's battleships, and Japan was one of the fleet's destinations.

Although the US government claims that the purpose of this circumnavigation was to declare peace and to train the US Navy, I believe the Americans' intention was to demonstrate to Japan that they are not Russians and that they are capable of maintaining a certain level of combat capability after a long voyage, thereby deterring Japan's expansionist activities in the Pacific.

You see, even though we defeated a Russian navy, the Americans immediately jumped out to intimidate our country. This shows that white people oppose the progress of people of color, and any risk that might threaten white people's dominance in the world will be suppressed by white countries, even threatened with war.

In other words, Europe is currently caught in a confrontation between two major camps, which is why only the Americans are threatening us. If Europe were peaceful, it wouldn't just be the Americans coming to East Asia to demonstrate against Japan. Since you've been to Europe and the United States, you should know that Japan's national strength is no match for these white powers in terms of naval development.

Therefore, only Asians can defend Asia. Trying to defend Asia with the strength of Japan alone is tantamount to suicide. In my view, those Japan-centric individuals who claim they can single-handedly confront Europe are the ones trying to destroy Japan. Hasn't the army's recent blunder on the Korean issue been enough?

The Korean Peninsula, with a population less than half that of Japan, already has its people, even if only a portion of them are awakened, causing the army considerable trouble. How much more so would China, with a population ten times that of Japan? The army's continentalism would have absolutely no future other than the destruction of Japan and Asia.

We must surpass Japan and transform the world based on Asia in order to preserve Asia. If Asia is preserved, Japan will naturally survive.

Shigeru Yoshida realized he couldn't refute Shinji Hayashi's arguments. Unlike those stubborn Japan-centric thinkers, Hayashi emphasized reality. Hayashi's arguments did indeed align with reality; he had no doubt that Japan's attempt to confront Western powers on its own was suicidal. Furthermore, preserving Asia was equivalent to preserving Japan, a logically sound argument given that Japan was part of Asia.

Yoshida Shigeru could only counter with, "Even if we can transcend Japan and view the alliance from the perspective of Asianism, how can you be sure that other nations will share the same views? When they gain national independence, won't they use nationalism to oppose Asianism?"

Lin Xinyi nodded and said, "I think there is such a possibility, so we need to select and recruit the most outstanding people from all ethnic groups in Asia into the alliance. As long as these people identify with Asianism, it will be difficult for them to revert to nationalism."

For example, Yoshida, if you conduct diplomacy from the perspective of Japan, you actually have very few choices. But if you conduct diplomacy from the perspective of Asia, you will find that your options become as vast as the Pacific Ocean.

Just like after the Meiji Restoration government was established, none of the anti-shogunate heroes wanted to return to their feudal domains. They believed that the Meiji government was the only way out for Japan. This was determined by practical interests. If they could mobilize more resources to achieve their political ideals, no politician would be willing to return to the political platform of a small country with few people.

Those who oppose unification are usually political losers and conservatives with local interests. Just as the Qin dynasty unified China by conquering the six states, Asia today faces a similar opportunity. When Asian nations are unable to protect their own interests, they naturally hope that a unified alliance can safeguard them.

If this window of opportunity is missed, an Asian alliance will be difficult to establish. Therefore, I support your view that while individual Asian nations may not necessarily desire a unified Asian alliance, when faced with a survival crisis, the majority of these nations will still choose a unified Asian alliance to protect themselves.

The choice now rests with Japan, and we certainly cannot miss this opportunity. Letting go of Japan and embracing Asia—that's what I believe in an Asian alliance.

After thinking calmly for a long time, Shigeru Yoshida asked again, "Then what about the Emperor? How should the Asian Alliance deal with the Emperor? Do you think the various ethnic groups in Asia can regard the Emperor as their spiritual faith?"

Lin Xinyi categorically denied this, saying: "The Emperor is a unique cultural tradition of Japan, so the Emperor is not a spiritual belief for Asians. Trying to spread the Emperor's faith to the world is the Army's idea, not the Navy's. If the Army's idea could really work, then the Indian people would not have opposed the British monarchy."

In my view, the army's forceful reliance on the Emperor's unique ideology effectively pulls the Emperor from the spiritual realm into the real world. When the army suffers setbacks in the real world, the Emperor will also be seen as a symbol of Japan's defeat. Then we face a difficult choice: abandon the Emperor and admit defeat, or let Japan follow the Emperor to its demise.

The best way to protect the Emperor is to sever his connection with everyday life. The Chinese understood this thousands of years ago, while the Japanese haven't grasped it even today—it's truly speechless.

Yoshida Shigeru wanted to say something, but couldn't get it out. He actually agreed with Hayashi Shin's assessment of the emperor system. The army had indeed tied the emperor to Japan too tightly, to the point that the emperor had gone from being the spiritual sustenance of the Japanese people to a national symbol. This was indeed an extremely dangerous sign. The reason why the target of the anti-shogunate war was the shogunate rather than the emperor system was because the people knew that the emperor did not represent the country, but the shogun was the symbol of the country. Therefore, the shogunate had to fall.

In present-day Japan, the Emperor has truly become a symbol of the Japanese nation. If Japan were to lose a foreign war, the purge of the Emperor system would be inevitable. While ordinary citizens might not understand this, the Japanese upper echelons are quite aware of it. Itō Hirobumi's consistent advocacy for the Emperor not to participate in actual political affairs stems from this very consideration.

However, the Westernization of the Meiji Restoration government did not improve the lives of the peasants, forcing it to repeatedly bring the Emperor to the forefront to quell peasant uprisings. While this maintained the Meiji Restoration government's rule, it also made the Emperor increasingly inseparable from Japanese politics. Some social groups advocating violent revolution even considered overthrowing the Emperor as a condition for the victory of the Japanese Revolution—a concept never before seen in Japan.

Yoshida Shigeru abandoned the idea of ​​continuing the debate with Hayashi Nobuyoshi because he knew he couldn't convince him. However, he himself had come to agree with Hayashi's point of view, and he wasn't ready to support Hayashi's ideas. After all, he was now a follower of his father-in-law, Makino. If he sided with Hayashi Nobuyoshi's Asianism, it would mean breaking away from the Satsuma youth faction, which was not a decision that could be made in a short time.

Yoshida Shigeru could only decline Hayashi Nobuyoshi's invitation and instead said, "I think it's too early to talk about Asianism now. After all, it's not even certain whether an Asian alliance can be built. What we need to face right now is Germany's bottom line regarding East Asia, isn't it? I think you should report this situation to Foreign Minister Makino as soon as possible. Diplomatic affairs are, after all, within the scope of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. As a member of the Navy, you have no right to make commitments on behalf of Japan..."

Lin Xinyi's almost candid conversation with Yoshida Shigeru was certainly not just to win Yoshida over to his side. In fact, he was clarifying his position before getting to the main topic. Hearing Yoshida's weak tone, he took the opportunity to bring out the draft of the negotiations with the German Navy and handed it to Yoshida, saying, "This is a secret agreement we reached with the Wuhan side and the German Navy. I hope you can turn it into reality on a diplomatic level. This is the fundamental reason why I advocated Asianism to you before."

Yoshida Shigeru's initial resentment resurfaced after hearing Lin Xinyi's words. He wasn't there to represent the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to accept the Navy's instructions. In fact, Makino meant that the Ministry of Foreign Affairs must take the lead in the negotiations instead of being led by the nose by the Navy. Otherwise, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs would find itself in an awkward position between the Army and the Navy.

Although everyone knows that Foreign Minister Makino is a leader of the younger generation of the Satsuma clique, according to the rules of Japanese politics, even if Makino is a member of the Satsuma clique, he cannot make decisions on the direction of foreign policy independently of other factions. The Navy's recent military exercise plan has already put the Foreign Ministry, led by Makino, in a very awkward position. If even the negotiation results are decided by the Navy and then handed over to the Foreign Ministry, then the Foreign Ministry's independence in foreign policy will likely be widely questioned by other political forces, primarily the Army.

Although such doubts will be blocked by the new Satsuma clique, Makino's position as the leader of the Satsuma young elite will be questioned, because he will become a spokesperson for the Navy's foreign policy, which is clearly not the role Makino wants.

End of this chapter

Chapter 753

Although he harbored considerable resentment, Yoshida Shigeru did not hesitate to accept the draft agreement handed to him by Hayashi Shinichi and began to read it. He was not the kind of person without ambition, so he would not refuse to reveal the Navy's schemes. If he were an ordinary person, he would definitely refuse to take the draft and read it, because that would mean being drawn into a political vortex.

However, after reading the draft agreement, Shigeru Yoshida calmed down completely, because the draft agreement did indeed bring Japan to a position that it could never have achieved before. Although the content of the agreement negated some of Japan's current system, it was indeed beneficial to Japan's future.

After pondering for a moment, he asked Lin Xinyi, "Do the Germans really intend to make the Pacific islands independent and grant citizenship to Japanese and Chinese immigrants? If so, wouldn't Germany be essentially making the Pacific islands public? How could they agree to such outrageous conditions?"

As Makino Nobuaki's son-in-law, Yoshida Shigeru knew some of the inside details of this military exercise, namely that Japan and China would express their willingness to reclaim Qingdao during the exercise, and after forcing Germany to agree to return Qingdao to China, Germany would establish a new equal and mutually beneficial relationship with Japan and China.

Makino Nobuaki was not from the navy, so the information he received was incomplete. The navy had concealed from him the information about the independence of the German Pacific islands and the naturalization and joining of the Asian Alliance by the German East Asia Fleet. This was also why Yamamoto Gonnohyōe knew to keep an eye on Hayashi Nobuyoshi's movements, while Makino was still waiting for the navy and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to communicate so as to discuss new diplomatic relations with the Germans.

After reviewing the draft agreement, Shigeru Yoshida realized that his father-in-law and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs had been tricked by the Navy. In reality, the new equal and mutually beneficial relationship between Germany and Japan and China was not to be coordinated through diplomacy, but rather through the independence of the German Pacific islands and their joining the Asian alliance. In other words, his father-in-law Makino's idea of ​​improving Japan's status in the international community through diplomatic coordination with Germany could not be realized.

However, although the navy outmaneuvered the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, its secret negotiations with the German navy significantly advanced Japan's expansion of power in the Pacific. If Japanese immigrants could obtain citizenship in the newly independent Pacific Federation, it would mean they would wield some political power in the newly established nation. Achieving this without war was a major diplomatic victory for Japan.

Although this victory was not attributed to the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Shigeru Yoshida had already realized that the Navy's secret agreement could not be made public. Therefore, in the subsequent public negotiations, as these secret agreements were transformed into public ones, the public would only see the Ministry of Foreign Affairs' achievement. Because the terms were so favorable to Japan, Yoshida had no choice but to verify their authenticity.

When asked about Yoshida Shigeru's doubts, Hayashi Shin-yi no longer concealed anything and stated frankly: "The German military, political circles, economic circles, and public opinion all believe that war in Europe is inevitable."

You've probably heard about the telegram incident involving Emperor Wilhelm II last year, haven't you? The Daily Telegraph requested an interview with Wilhelm II, which he granted. In the interview, Wilhelm II stated that Germany had no intention of being enemies with Britain. However, this press release not only provoked discontent among the British, who felt that Germany was being arrogant in its treatment of Britain, treating peace as a favor, but it also sparked resentment among the German public, who believed that His Majesty the Emperor was waving a white flag in surrender to the British.

German public opinion therefore accused Kaiser Wilhelm II's press statement of being unconstitutional and placing his personal rule above the state. Kaiser Wilhelm II was forced to publish a statement clarifying that he had no intention of exercising private rule over Germany and promised not to make diplomatic statements in his private capacity in the future. The prime minister also resigned as a result.

This event illustrates that the Germans preferred war to a compromise with Britain and France. In the Franco-German conflict, France was essentially forced to respond; Germany's attitude towards war prevented France from further strengthening the Anglo-French-Russian alliance, which in turn fueled Germany's desire to wage war.

Germany's significant concessions in Qingdao and the Pacific islands stemmed from its leadership's firm resolve to wage war against Britain and France, thus initiating war preparations. Given its naval disadvantage, Germany could not effectively protect its overseas interests on its own; therefore, it needed a third party to safeguard them. my country and our country were Germany's only viable options in the Far East.

You asked whether this agreement is genuine and valid. If it occurred before the outbreak of war in Europe, and Germany failed to gain a significant advantage in the war to end it, then the agreement is genuine and valid. If the European conflict ended abruptly, or Germany won at a very low cost, then this agreement would naturally not be recognized by Germany.

Shigeru Yoshida agreed with Shin-Yi Hayashi's assessment. Having studied in Europe and America, he was quite familiar with the dog-eat-dog nature of European civilization. The European treaty system existed for the great powers, not to protect the weak. The reason these treaties could offer some protection to the weak was because directly annexing these weak would lead to direct confrontation between the great powers.

For example, the British could have easily seized the East Indies from the Dutch, but to avoid a follow-up struggle between the United States and Germany, they instead endorsed the existence of the Dutch East Indies. It was precisely because of this British endorsement that Germany was forced to occupy the Pacific islands far from the main sea lanes; otherwise, the Germans would never have let the Dutch East Indies go.

The reason the British tacitly allowed the United States to seize Spanish overseas colonies was that Britain did not want to face the maritime challenges from both the United States and Germany simultaneously. Compared to Germany, which threatened the balance of power in Europe, the British had no choice but to accept the United States challenging Spain's colonial rights. Therefore, Shigeru Yoshida was not actually a true legal expert; he did not have much faith in the binding force of international law, believing that such binding force was only effective against small countries.

In contrast, Shigeru Yoshida's colleagues at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs genuinely treated international law as an inviolable sacred law, seemingly believing that mastering its essence would allow Japanese diplomacy to stand on equal footing with European powers. Yoshida felt these colleagues were inferior to his father-in-law, who, while also claiming that Japanese diplomacy should be based on international law, still argued that international law was unfair to non-white nations, thus requiring a military in addition to international law to safeguard Japan's national interests.

However, after reviewing the draft agreement produced by Hsin-Yi Lin, Shigeru Yoshida felt that the one who truly understood the European treaty system was actually this naval lieutenant commander. This draft agreement did not make much use of current international law as a basis for negotiation, nor did it employ the covert diplomatic methods commonly used in European diplomacy. European covert diplomacy almost always targets a specific enemy, while this agreement embodies the idea of ​​the new Asian order that Hsin-Yi Lin has consistently advocated.

Therefore, this draft agreement can indeed be turned into a public document without attracting fierce opposition from various countries. Opposition from major powers such as Britain, France, and the United States is certain, but the non-specific nature of the agreement means that their opposition can only remain in foreign policy rather than in public opinion. For example, the diplomacy of Britain, France, and Germany has now reached a dead end.

The secret diplomacy between Britain, France, and Germany triggered a confrontation between the nations. This confrontation fueled public opinion incited war, which in turn forced the three countries to further strengthen their secret diplomacy in response to the war. Ultimately, the whole of Europe was moving toward war, and peace became impossible, because anyone who retreated could be besieged by a prepared adversary.

Lin Xinyi's secret draft agreement merely established the conditions for a new peaceful order in Asia. Even if it were made public, the people of Japan and China would not believe that the agreement was aimed at anyone. On the contrary, the people of other countries would find it difficult to regard it as a provocation. This means that the confrontation between countries will not fall into a vicious cycle, and there will be room for coordination in diplomacy.

After pondering for a long time, Yoshida Shigeru said to Hayashi Shinichi, "I think there are not many problems with the content of the agreement. As long as the Germans are willing to implement it, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs should be able to make it a reality. I will submit this draft agreement to Foreign Minister Makino."

Lin Xinyi shook his head and said, "No, this agreement cannot be submitted to the Foreign Minister and the Cabinet, which is why I showed it to you. I hope you forget about the secret agreement and then have the representative of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs work with the German diplomats and the Wuhan side to come up with a similar draft agreement, and then submit it to Foreign Minister Makino. That is the proper procedure."

Yoshida Shigeru immediately replied with some dissatisfaction, "Are you trying to force me to become the Foreign Minister and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs? If I do as you ask, wouldn't I become your accomplice?"

Lin Xinyi replied calmly, "But this will also become your achievement. The navy doesn't need this achievement, and we can't let the great powers realize that the navies of Japan, China, and Germany have the intention to establish a joint Asian fleet. Once the great powers realize this, Japan will face enormous diplomatic pressure, and I don't think Japan can withstand that pressure now. Only after it's a fait accompli will the great powers be unable to demand that we cancel the establishment of the joint fleet."

Yoshida Shigeru finally understood why Hayashi Shin-yi had shown him the draft agreement. He said with even greater dissatisfaction, "If the navy is not confident in withstanding the pressure from various countries, then it shouldn't take such a big risk. The Asian Joint Fleet can indeed allow the navy to extend its influence to the central Pacific and Southeast Asia, but it will inevitably arouse suspicion from various countries. Lieutenant Commander Hayashi has such a clear understanding of the international situation, how could he not understand this fact?"

Lin Xinyi nodded in agreement, saying, "Yes, I think your view is correct. Japan's current strength is actually insufficient to expand into the central Pacific and Southeast Asia. Furthermore, Britain, France, and the United States are not psychologically prepared to accept the establishment of an Asian joint fleet that represents a new order in East Asia. They will inevitably take all means to dismantle it."

However, I believe that Britain, France, and the United States only exert bluffing diplomatic pressure; in reality, they lack the power to force the dissolution of the Asian Alliance. The problem for Britain and France lies with Europe. Even if they see Germany joining the Asian Alliance as a naturalized Asian nation, they will find it difficult to resolve the issue through war, as this would force Japan and China to side with Germany. Furthermore, Britain and France are not yet prepared for war, and Russia has not yet recovered from its defeat in the East. If Britain and France were to start a war now, Russia would inevitably choose neutrality.

As for the United States, it has just dispatched the Great White Fleet on a circumnavigation of the globe. my country can interpret this as the US asserting its right to freedom of navigation in Asia, using it as a pretext to establish a joint Asian fleet to counter US hegemonic claims in the Pacific. The Americans cannot object, because before the Panama Canal is completed, the US Navy simply cannot instigate a war in the Pacific. Moreover, the Americans also need to guard against threats from Europe to the industrial and economic centers of the US East Coast.

Therefore, now is the best time to establish an Asian alliance and a joint fleet. If we miss this opportunity, the Germans will not make such a big concession, and other countries will not be able to use military force to force us to abandon the Asian alliance as they are now.

As for the great powers' suspicions about Japan's ambitions, these suspicions had already formed after we won the war against the Russian navy. They didn't disappear just because we didn't establish an Asian alliance. After this war, Japan had effectively moved from a regional to an international position, and other countries could no longer ignore Japan's position when considering global issues.

Japan needs to familiarize itself with its new international position and assume corresponding international responsibilities. The old approach of trying to cower under the wing of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance and act as Britain's henchman is no longer viable, because the British simply do not believe that Japan will obediently serve as a watchdog in East Asia.

Yoshida Shigeru found it difficult to refute, as he, as a diplomat, clearly sensed a significant shift in British attitudes towards Japan following its victory at the Battle of Cam Ranh Bay. Before the war, the British had tried to convince the Japanese that only an alliance with Britain could protect their interests. In the British eyes, Japan was merely a toddler learning to walk, needing the guidance of Britain, the adult, to establish itself in the international community.

However, after the Japanese navy nearly annihilated the main force of the Russian Far East Fleet at Cam Ranh Bay, the British attitude towards the Japanese immediately changed. On the one hand, the British began to respect the position of Japanese diplomats and were willing to renegotiate issues such as tariffs; on the other hand, the British also began to support China in order to contain Japan's expansion of power on the East Asian continent.

According to Shigeru Yoshida, almost overnight the British recognized Japan as an adult, and therefore refused to provide protection for Japan, instead demanding that Japan assume its responsibilities for the international order. This so-called international responsibility of Japan was essentially taking on some of Britain's international obligations in Asia, but without granting Japan corresponding rights.

The reason why the new Asian order proposed by Hayashi Shin-yi gradually became mainstream in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was because Japan's external environment had changed. Japan's past diplomatic approach of following Britain had led its diplomacy into a dead end. The British were no longer willing to share benefits with Japan and instead demanded Japan's independence.

Of course, while the Ministry of Foreign Affairs has accepted the concept of a new Asian order, the new Asian order advocated by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs is different from the new Asian order advocated by the Navy. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs advocates that this new order should be led by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, rather than being controlled by the Navy.

This is essentially a new round of political struggle within the Japanese government, the last one being the struggle between opening the country and expelling foreigners. In this struggle, the army has fallen far behind the navy and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs because the army continues to emphasize that military strategy is independent of political strategy, which is completely inconsistent with the positions of the navy and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. This is also the reason why the army has frequently suffered political setbacks after the war, because the army's political line deviates too far from the lines of other political groups, which means that if the army comes to power, everyone's interests will be harmed.

Yoshida Shigeru fell silent. He knew that Lin Xinyi's proposal would benefit him, but it would also force him to side with Lin Xinyi, which would inevitably lead to his father-in-law's dissatisfaction. Given his current situation, it was really hard to calculate the gains and losses. But one thing was certain: accepting Lin Xinyi's request meant that he would become Lin Xinyi's representative in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and no longer the son-in-law and reserve that Makino valued and cultivated.

Lin Xinyi saw Yoshida Shigeru's struggle, but he did not urge him to make a decision quickly. In fact, Yoshida Shigeru was not that important to his plan. If this agreement was placed in front of Makino, Makino would have no choice but to accept it in the end. Otherwise, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs would face a diplomatic crisis first, because they would not be able to resolve the diplomatic problems with Germany caused by the military exercises.

However, he did not want Makino to gain too much diplomatic prestige. After all, Makino was still a traditional clan politician. Although he claimed to be a young and promising official, his dream was to restore the glory of the Satsuma clan during the Ōkubo era, rather than to establish any new political ideology. In contrast, he would rather let Yoshida Shigeru win this diplomatic prestige, which would not only strike at the pro-British forces in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, but also divide the internal unity of the Satsuma young and promising official.

Yoshida Shigeru didn't keep Lin Xinyi waiting for long. After weighing the options for a while, Yoshida Shigeru finally couldn't suppress his desire and accepted the suggestion to cooperate with Lin Xinyi.

End of this chapter

Chapter 754

As naval exercises in East Asia sparked tensions between Japan, China, and Germany, Kotoku Shusui also set off from Berlin to return to the East. This time, he did not travel by ship, but instead chose to travel by train from Moscow.

For the Japanese, Russia was indeed an incredible country, its vast territory making it seem more like an independent continent. After observing Russia up close, Kōtoku Shūsui agreed with Lenin's view: the Russian Empire was a prison for all nations.